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| 501 | The article is devoted to the identification and structural and functional description of the features of perception of urban space during a pandemic from the point of view of studying its perception by young people. The author shows the relationships between the elements of urban space as constraints during the pandemic through the image formed in the minds of young people. The study is based on the mental mapping method developed by K. Lynch, which allows visualizing the main features of the city and its space during the Covid-19 period. The aim is to find out what image is formed in the minds of young people in relation to the spaces of the city of Elista. The study was conducted using the structural-functional method and the method of participant observation. The author concludes that the transformation of the urban space under the influence of the pandemic COVID-19 is associated with physical limitations. The image of the city is marked by old boundaries, which indicates the stability of the perception of the image of urban space, fixed in landmarks and gaining recognition in the minds of young people. Keywords: mental map, representation, pandemic, Kalmyks, young generation, perception, city, space | 353 | |||||
| 502 | The article is based on the data obtained through sociolinguistic research in the Chuvash and Mari diasporas in the Moscow region. It examines the linguistic practices of representatives of ethnic groups living in the internal diaspora. These show a high level of linguistic loyalty and a desire to preserve their ethnic language as one of the main features of ethnic identity. Nevertheless, the respondents' linguistic loyalty level does not correlate with the level of language maintenance, as shown by the low level of intergenerational transmission of the ethnic language in the samples. Passing the language on the children is transferred from the diaspora representatives to the ethnic village. Special attention is paid in this paper to the analysis of the language ideologies underlying such practices and to the description of the mechanism of (non)transmission of the ethnic language characteristic of these communities living in urban environments. These are an ideology of legitimacy (authenticity), which confines the language to a specific area where traditional speakers live, and an ideology of anonymity, which is widespread in urban spaces and de facto presupposes the use of Russian as an unmarked linguistic and social norm, regardless of the identity of the speakers. Stereotypes, deeply rooted beliefs, attitudes towards the respective languages, and negative and traumatic experiences traced in the linguistic biographies of the respondents are crucial to ethnic language maintenance in the internal diaspora. The results of the survey provide a comprehensive picture of the language situation in Chuvash and Mari villages in diachrony and synchronicity and show that the ethnic village is currently unable to cope with the task of uninterrupted language transmission, as the village itself, which is considered the traditional compact place of residence of these ethnic groups, is affected by the language shift. The author concludes that there is an urgent need to revise existing language practices in the diaspora in order to develop new and more effective strategies for ethnic language transmission. This requires – in the case of the representatives of the internal diaspora – a conscious adaptation of their current language practices in the village, as well as a growing awareness of their own responsibility for the transmission of their ethnic language to the future generation. Keywords: Mari language, Chuvash language, ethnic language, Moscow region, internal diaspora, language practices, language ideologies, language transmission, language management, language policy, language situation, language shift | 348 | |||||
| 503 | Using the local tradition of the Old Believers-Bespopovtsy of Nizhnepechora as an example, the characteristics of the late existence of burial and memorial laments in the Ust-Tsilemsky district of the Komi Republic are described. The study draws attention to the rather late research of baptism by folklorists. The collection of the reports was not carried out systematically by different researchers. The 1929 records were published with a commentary only in 2013 and another major publication of the texts collected in 1942 dates from 1962. The reports have been published in other collections with varying degrees of completeness. Particularly in the 21st century, there are also analytical articles. This article examines the liturgical tradition from the perspective of an ethnographic research campaign, focusing on the functioning of the genre, the place, and the role of eulogies in funeral and memorial rites at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The factors contributing to eulogies' introduction into traditional funeral culture are described. The ritual terminology, the stable expressions that are the names of the laments and indicate their fulfillment, and the vocabulary represented in the laments by metaphorical substitutions and epithets are given. The importance of regulating the performance of lamentations in relation to the time of day is analyzed, and the restriction of their performance to certain ages and social groups is also considered. The local peculiarity of the performance of lament songs for the deceased, who showed disrespect to some family members during their lifetime and were abusers, through the lament songs, the unkind actions and deeds of the deceased person are shown. The article was written on the basis of field materials collected by the author in different years in the villages of Ust-Tsilma, as well as on the basis of published materials and archival sources kept in the scientific archive of the Komi Scientific Center of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Keywords: Old Believers-Bespopovts, mourning and memorial laments, lamentations, funeral cries, folk terminology, oral narrative, ritual vocabulary | 344 | |||||
| 504 | The proposed study brings information about the ethnographic film “Bukhara” (1927) by well-known Soviet filmmakers, the cinematographer Ya. M. Tolchan and the editor E. I. Svilova. Based on this film work, the article examines the “experimentation of filmmakers” in the process of developing an ethnographic tendency in Soviet cinema. In the period under study, filmmakers fascinated by ethnographic exoticism and expeditionary romanticism actively tested various approaches to visualizing ethnicity and constructed a screen image of the Union of Nationalities Liberated by the Revolution, in which the party leadership, as the monopolist of thematic and production plans in the film industry, was interested, in order to strengthen the programs of the “Cultural Revolution” Among the tasks of the work is the description of the images of the collapse of the traditional existence of Uzbek society during the socialist upheavals in the east of the country in the mid-1920s, which were captured in the mentioned film. Since the heterogeneous Soviet East was one of the most problematic regions regarding Sovietization programs in the early Soviet period, it was assigned special cinematographic resources – the filming of the Central Asian film expedition by Ya. M. Tolchan and the subsequent editing of an independent film, “Bukhara” by E. I. Svilova, are considered in the context of the development of the large-scale state project “Cinema-Atlas Of The USSR” and in the context of parallel processes of Soviet national policy. The reference sources for the study were little-known archival documents and materials from the Soviet periodical press. The study uses an effective method of the author to read the film as a film text because, due to the peculiarities of silent film, the film “Bukhara” consists of approximately equal parts of film images and text subtitles interspersed in the narrative. The conclusion points to the film “Bukhara” as a multi-layered visual document of its time and to the need to study the phenomenon of the Soviet film atlas as a whole as a unique phenomenon that has produced a range of practical and theoretical materials that are in demand in modern visual anthropology. Keywords: visual anthropology, Cinema-Atlas of the USSR, ethnographic film, "Bukhara" | 344 | |||||
| 505 | The paper deals with morphological causatives in the Tatyshly subdialect of the Udmurt language (Republic of Bashkortostan). Surrounded by the Turkic languages (Tatar and Bashkir), Tatyshly Udmurt developed a more complex system of causative markers than Standard Udmurt. It consists of two suffixes: -t, of Uralic origins, and a Turkic borrowing -ttə̑r absent in Standard Udmurt. In this article, the properties of the suffixes are reviewed regarding the morphosyntax and semantics of verbal forms. It is demonstrated that the two suffixes apply different restrictions on deriving stems. The main one is that -t but not -ttə̑r can serve as a verbalizer and be attached to nominal stems. Another crucial difference is that -ttə̑r can be interpreted as either a single or double causative, and -t does not. Meanwhile, the patterns of causee marking are the same for both Tatyshly and Standard Udmurt: the causee gets accusative regardless of the verb's argument structure, contrary to Comrie's hierarchy. The suffixes can express all range of typologically attested semantics (factitive, mediated, rogative) except for permissive. In addition to that, in some idiolects, -ttə̑r introduces the interpretation of intensification or deliberance, which is typical of double causatives. Given its morphosyntactic properties and evidence from other languages, I argue that it was a configuration of two causative morphemes in the early stages of borrowing, but it functions as a single morpheme on the synchronic level. Thus, the suffixes -t and -ttə̑r exhibit differences not only between each other but also in comparison to their counterparts in Standard Udmurt and Turkic. Keywords: morphological causative, double causative, affix borrowing, dialectal morphology, Udmurt language, Turkic languages | 341 | |||||
| 506 | The monograph by E. A. Davydova examines power relations in the communities of Chukchi reindeer herders from the 19th to the middle of the 20th century. The author analyzes the power relations of the reindeer Chukchi in everyday life, family relations, ritual knowledge, and relations with the state. This is the first anthropological study that deals specifically with power relations among the Chukchi. The book's primary source is the unique diaries of the Soviet ethnographer Varvara Kuznetsova, who worked in the Leningrad branch of the Institute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences in the 1940s and 50s. The framework of the topic arose from the content of the diary entries, as their author held the lowest social position in the Chukchi community, and therefore power relations were involuntarily reflected in her diary entries. The success of the reviewed book was determined by a combination of several factors: a little-researched subject, unique field material by V. Kuznetsova, and a high level of analysis and interpretation by the book's author. E. A. Davydova based her study on the theoretical works of M. Foucault, E. Giddens, K. Wolfe, and other foreign and Russian scientists and on historical, ethnographic, and anthropological literature from the 19th to the 21st centuries. Due to the peculiarities of the key source, the author used micro-historical and biographical methods. The “signs” and well-known features of the Chukchi culture, such as “spousal companionship” (men concluded a friendship agreement among themselves, according to which each of them had the right to his friend's wife), hospitable hetarism, the custom of voluntary death, the custom of gender transformation, the use of hallucinogens and a number of others, the author managed to interpret them in the context of power relations and give them a new understanding. The book contains a lot of new, unique information about Chukchi ethnography in the field of household (use of space, food related to its consumption; leisure, domestic violence); social relations when kinship is considered as a resource and symbolic capital. A special chapter is devoted to Chukchi's relations with the state. Keywords: field diaries of Varvara Kuznetsova, MAE RAS archive, Chukchi ethnography, power, kinship, relations with the state | 338 | |||||
| 507 | The article deals with the vocabulary of folk games in the Eastern dialect of the Mari language: Malmyzh, Kungur, and Krasnoufimsk subdialects. Games studied include dice, tip-cat, and a variation of skittles game (in which a stick is thrown at a piece of wood impaled on a stake twisted into the ground). The research is based on Russian and foreign publications on the Mari language, folklore, ethnography, and archival and modern field data, which are being put into scientific circulation for the first time. The main research method is comparative: the words in question are compared with the vocabulary of folk games in the dialects of Mari, Russian, and other Finno-Ugric languages. The Mari dialects studied in the article (in the north of the Mari region) are strongly influenced by the local Russian dialects, while the Mari dialects of the southern region experience a stronger Turkic influence and borrowings from Chuvash and Tatar languages predominate in their vocabulary for folk games. The article deals with the names of playthings (pieces of wood) and the names of games with them (chinok, chizik, chizhik, baklanom, plishka, panok, peshki, shishka, shorchok, sholchok, kapke, babki), as well as with the verbs galitlash, galitlyktash ‘to play a difficult role in the game’. Most of these lexemes are not included in the Mari dictionaries. Some of them are not so much borrowings as the result of changing codes in the situation of Mari Russian bilingualism, especially since some words (baklanom, plyshka, shishka, peshki) were used by Mari informants when they told Russian ethnologists about Mari games in Russian. Thus, the Mari speak local Russian dialects and represent specific local Russian folk game terminology. The Russian words in the Mari language revealed in this article are also found in other Finno-Ugric languages of the Volga-Ural region: Mordovian, Udmurtian, Komi, and Chuvash. Keywords: Folk games, Mari language, game vocabulary, game terminology, Finno-Ugric languages, dialectology, folk lexicology, Russian dialects, borrowings, language contacts, borrowings, etymology | 337 | |||||
| 508 | Most phraseological units that name a person do not contain in their semantic structure any reference to the actual biological sex of the person they denote. By their grammatical nature, Russian phraseological units have a masculine or feminine form expressed by the inflection of the main grammatical component. However, this form is usually not gender-specific and is used to refer to both a man and a woman (kisejnaya baryshnya, belaya vorona. Free translation: blue-haired girl, white crow). In Tatar and Khanty languages, there is no category of gender. Phraseological units denoting persons of both genders can be found mostly in Russian. In a small part of phraseological units it is possible to change the gender of the main grammatical component to denote persons of the opposite gender (zmeya podkolodnaya – zmej podkolodnyj. Free translation: snake in the grass(she/he)), the component is rarely replaced to identify the referent of the speech situation (bazarnaya baba – bazarnyj muzhik. Free translation: Gossipmonger (she/he)). The article presents the results of a comparative analysis of phraseological units characterizing only one woman in languages of different systems. Although phraseological units are a deeply national phenomenon, their analysis suggests that the signs of femininity and the features of the female behavioral model named by these units coincide in Russian, Tatar, and Kantian linguistic images of the world. The problems of gender identity, gender differentiation, and cultural conditioning align with the most popular humanitarian research today, which determines the relevance of this work. The article analyzes phraseological units reflecting ideas about the feminine principle or femininity, and their classification is made according to the classification of semantics and connotations. Feminine phraseological units in different linguistic cultures mainly characterize a woman’s physiological-anatomical, intellectual-psychological and socio-axiological features and the “world of women.” From the differences in the figurative basis of phraseological units characterizing a woman in the languages of neighboring peoples, one can infer a culturally universal approach to evaluating certain traits recognized as purely feminine. Keywords: phraseological unit, phraseological image of the world, femininity, gender stereotypes, semantic properties, figurative basis of phraseology | 337 | |||||
| 509 | The article analyzes the system of livestock vocabulary, i.e., the gender and age designations of small livestock, based on the material of the Altai language and its dialects in comparison with a similar system of other Siberian and Mongolian Turkic languages. All available dictionaries for these languages, as well as expedition materials collected by the author during an expedition to places of compact residence of native speakers of the Altai language in 2022–2023, served as material for the study. The analysis of the livestock as mentioned above terms for the gender and age designations of small livestock using the example of sheep shows that many terms are common in Turkic; there are differences at the morphophonological level; there is a semantic shift in the terms denoting the age of small livestock; borrowings from Mongolian languages, all this is explained by spatial proximity. The Turkic peoples of Siberia are considered to be classic nomadic cattle breeders who raise the most important types of livestock: Horses, cows, sheep, goats, and camels. The Turks of Siberia have always been in close contact with the Mongols, and some peoples, such as the Tuvans and the Altai, have been part of the Mongolian state for many years. The Tuvinians and the Tofalars have lived and continue to live in constant contact with Mongolian-speaking tribes, which has inevitably left traces in the livestock vocabulary of these peoples. Lexical dialectisms and linguistic peculiarities occur during the historical development of the individual peoples. Of the lexemes studied, five are not listed in the available dictionaries of the Altai language; these lexemes come from the active vocabulary of the native speakers.. Keywords: vocabulary, animal husbandry vocabulary, Turkic languages, Altai language, Mongolian languages, thematic group, comparative analysis | 337 | |||||
| 510 | The article describes the experience of compiling the dictionary of toponyms of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia): Settlements, which contains 562 lexical entries. The relevance of the work arises from the activation of toponymic research in the region and the need to document its toponymic system in this historical period. The scope of the toponymic material determines the novelty of the work, the depth of the analysis, and the extent of the linguistic and extra-linguistic problems solved in the collection of the linguistic material and the compilation of the lexical entries. The requirements for the preparation of toponymic dictionaries are analyzed, the difficulties in compiling lexical entries are pointed out, and possible solutions are suggested. In preparing the materials for the dictionary, there were a number of problems that were solved in the course of the study: it was proposed to combine the repeated names of settlements into one lexical entry indicating the location of each settlement; the official modern Russian language name is chosen as the introductory word and is connected in parentheses with the Yakut name, with the spelling and graphic design (especially if there are options) determined in accordance with the requirement of unification of names of geographical features from the federal law of the Russian Federation; the lexical entries contain all currently available information on the origin of the oikonym, the source language and ethnographic information as reference material; an administrative-territorial characteristic of the geographical feature is given to indicate the location. Perspectives are given for collecting and analyzing the material for further work on the revised and corrected edition of the dictionary; reasons are given for the need to document accent norms in the dictionary, as well as for the inclusion of information on other territorial and communal names in the new dictionary: territories, rural settlements, regions and districts, and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). Keywords: dictionary of toponyms, oikonyms, toponymy, codification, etymology, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), source language, lexicography | 335 | |||||
| 511 | The article examines the image of the historical motherland formed in the historical memory of the Siberian population. Memoirs are one of the forms of preservation and translation of this image. The different types of memoir texts form the source base of this study. The memoirs written by residents of the Tomsk region in the second half of the XX–beginning of the XXI century are analyzed. The authors of the narratives are the children of post-reform migrants and special settlers of the 1930s. The image of the historical homeland is considered in the spatiotemporal coordinates determined by the structure of historical memory. The author of the article concludes that the image of the historical homeland in the memoir texts appears in spatial coordinates that have a regional dimension. The features of natural and climatic conditions and socio-economic development complement it. The historical homeland appears in the memoirs as a geographical region with a historical past that became part of the family's biography. A look at the texts of the memoirs showed that the image of the historical homeland is perceived differently depending on whether they are voluntary migrants or displaced people. The image of the historical homeland in the memoirs of the special migrants is painted exclusively in a positive light. The anchoring of a positive image in the historical memory of this group of migrants is related to the cultural trauma caused by forced resettlement and the hardships associated with settling in a new place. On the other hand, the image of the historical homeland in the texts of the descendants of the post-Reformation settlers is rather mosaic. Although the positive features predominate, some “shortcomings” are also mentioned. Despite a certain temporal and territorial distance of the ancestral homeland felt by modern Siberians, it is perceived as a native space, a historical motherland with which they are firmly connected. Keywords: historical motherland, historical memory, post-reform migrants, special settlers, Siberia, Tomsk region, memoirs | 334 | |||||
| 512 | This article discusses the derivation of verbs from adjectives in two areally related languages, Hill Mari and Tatar (Mishar dialect). Such verbs in both languages are formed using the suffix -l, which, presumably, was borrowed into Hill Mari from the Turkic languages. In both cases, the suffix derives verbs of several structural types (inchoatives, causatives and unergatives), but the semantic relations between the original stem and the derived verb are not always predicted by the existing theories of the phenomenon. In particular, it is commonly assumed that the adjectives of the so-called open scales derive telic verbs by default, and the adjectives of closed scales derive atelic verbs. We show that this prediction is not always confirmed in the languages in question and present an overview of existing derivational models that differ from each other in terms of semantic relationships between the adjectival stem and the derived verb. Although most deadjectival verbs in Hill Mari and Tatar are expected to form telic verbs with an inchoative component (‘become A’), there are exceptions to this principle in both languages. In Hill Mari, telicity is associated exclusively with the closed scale of an adjective, while in Tatar it also correlates with non-zero change-of-state readings available with some verbs. In addition, in both languages, the unergative model is widely represented by atelic behavior-related verbs (‘behave in a manner associated with A’). We propose that in the latter case, adjectival stems undergo covert substantivization and can be integrated into an unergative structure, which does not violate any principles of known theories and does not require any additional assumptions. This proposal is consistent both with the fact that adjectives forming behavior-related verbs are also widely used as nouns in the languages under consideration, and the scale of an adjective correctly predicts telic properties of a verb. Keywords: Hill Mari, Tatar, derivational morphology, deadjectival verbs, adjectives, aktionsart, event structure | 334 | |||||
| 513 | The article deals with the subset of indefinite pronouns which are often denoted in the literature as negative pronouns in six Finnic languages (Estonian, Finnish, North and Livvi Karelian, Seto and Veps). The data for the study comes from the translations of the Gospel texts into those languages. Negative pronouns are understood as such indefinite pronouns which are used primarily in the scope of negation and in some related contexts (downward-entailing or non-veridical). The distribution of negative pronouns in the text is described. It is shown that different types of negative pronouns are used in these languages. Finnish and North Karelian have a series of negative pronouns formed with the additive operator -kaan (-kana in North Karelian), which is used primarily in negative contexts. It is argued that these pronouns should be analyzed as strong Negative Polarity Items because they could occur in the contexts where an overt marker of negation is not present, such as the scope of adversative predicates, embedded clause of the negated matrix predicate or polar questions. Livvi Karelian and Veps employ pronouns with the prefix ni- borrowed from Russian. These pronouns behave like Negative Concord Items because they occur only in the presence of the clausemate sentential negation marker. Some differences in the distribution of these items are attested. Finally, Seto and Estonian do not have any special series of negative pronouns. Instead, the -gi pronouns, which have a very broad distribution, are used in these contexts. In Estonian, these can be modified by the marker of constituent negation mitte. Keywords: Finnic Languages, Indefinite Pronouns, Negative Polarity Items, Negative Concord Items | 334 | |||||
| 514 | This paper describes emotive-evaluative causative constructions of guilt and condemnation in the Buryat language. The relevance of the work arises from the modern integrated approach to the study of such functional and semantic categories as causativity, as well as from the increasing interest in the problems of the category of emotivity in linguistics. The relevance stems from the need to study emotions and their representation in language from the perspective of linguistics. The main goal of this work is to determine the emotive-evaluative potential in causative constructions with the meaning of guilt and condemnation in the Buryat language and to try to identify its national and cultural peculiarities. The novelty of the work arises from the fact that this problem has not been practically studied on the material of the Buryat language before. The theoretical and methodological basis of the work was formed by the works of domestic and foreign linguists: V. I. Shakhovsky, A. Vezhbitskaya, I. V. Trufanova, and K. Izard. The feeling of guilt is one of the basic emotions. Condemnation refers to the moral evaluation of certain phenomena of reality, actions, and behaviors of people. In Buryat’s causative constructions, one can notice a close connection between the semantics of guilt and condemnation. The material of the study consists of a solid sample of causative constructions contained in the electronic corpus of the Buryat language and data obtained by observing the speech of native speakers. As a result, it is found that causative constructions in the Buryat language have an emotive-evaluative potential. In order to express the feeling of guilt and related condemnation, the so-called constructions of “guilt of the causer” are used, in which the subject himself is guilty of what happened. The constructions of “fault of the causator” are quite specific; they show the peculiarities of the linguistic worldview in understanding causative relations. In the constructions of "guilt of the causer," the speaker often appears himself as the causer, and such constructions most vividly express the feeling of guilt, awareness of one's mistakes, and weakness. Keywords: Causativity, emotivity, emotions, evaluation, causative constructions, Buryat language | 333 | |||||
| 515 | In this article, using the example of the shamanic ritual Shachyg (sprinkling, treatment of the spirits of the mountains and rivers), the ritual activity of the so-called modern shamans who have not undergone the ordeals of the “shamanic disease” is considered. They are “discovered” by a more experienced local who has sometimes attended training courses with Khakass or Tuvan shamans and has the relevant credentials. Some Kams also spoke of the shamanic gift being inherited within the family from grandfathers or grandmothers. The Shachyg ritual was performed in 2019 in Tashtagol by S. Teneshev (born in 1973) and other shamans on the Day of Indigenous Peoples of the World. At the beginning of the ritual, the reason for the ceremony is stated, and the most "painful" current problems of the whole people or a certain group of participants are listed, which can be solved with the help of higher powers. The example of a ritual text has shown that the language of ritual texts is reduced to the everyday level and is very poor. In the text of S. Teneshev that we studied, there are Russicisms, interjective exclamations, names of geographical places (e.g., the mountain Mustag), Belkovo (a suburb of Tashtagol ), but no archaisms and vocabulary connected with shamanism, and there are no allegories, similes and other means of expression characteristic of earlier records of rituals. He mentions only the god Kudai, the spirits of mountains and rivers, and the spirit of fire. However, the ritual itself is characterized by detailed treatment of the spirits of rivers and mountains, the use of ritual objects during the ritual (tambourine tӱur, kai-komus), and the presence of national costumes. During the ritual, S. Teneshev, together with other shamans, asks various eezi spirits for a majestic holiday and blessings for all the Shors present: people preserving their native language, wealth, growth of livestock, childbearing, health, happiness, and good luck. This ritual is particularly interesting because in the context of globalization, with the departure of the authentic carriers of the traditional worldview in modern society, there is a demand for the revival and maintenance of national traditions through the reconstruction and popularization of shamanistic rituals, the so-called “neo-shamanism”. It is very important that researchers record these processes, analyze the material, ethnographic, and textual components of the "new" rituals, and compare them in the future with the authentic shamanic rituals recorded in the 20th century and with the global trends of neo-shamanism. Keywords: shamanizm, Shor shamans, ritual, costume, spirit sprinkling, shaman's spirits, language | 332 | |||||
| 516 | The article proposes the etymology of the suffix -qxiə, which is part of several morphologically complex verbal grammatical markers of the Tundra Nenets language. In recent publications, most of these forms use the terms probabilitative or probabilistic. The probabilitative suffix denotes an epistemic estimate based on common knowledge. This suffix has a non-trivial morphological position in the Tundra Nenets language: it is used as the second component in compound markers, the first component of which may be a morpheme based on suffixes of the perfective or imperfective participle. Conversely, no morphemes other than personal suffixes can be used after participial suffixes in the Tundra Nenets language. Grammatical markers historically related to Tundra Nenets -qxiə are found in the Forest Enets and Nganasan languages. In the Forest Enets language, the cognate morpheme is also part of a compound affix where the preceding component goes back to a participial suffix, as in the Tundra Nenets language. In Nganasan, the cognate marker with the same meaning is a syntactically independent element that can be used either as a particle attached to any finite verb form or as an auxiliary that marks the main verb with a connegative suffix. The nontrivial morphological position of the marker in the Tundra Nenets language and its cognate in the Forest Enets language suggests that the forms under consideration in these languages also derive from auxiliary constructions. At the same time, the structure and grammatical form of the elements of these constructions have developed independently in each of the three languages. Keywords: Etymology, verbal morphology, Northern Samoyedic languages, Tundra Nenets language, Enets language, Nganasan language | 332 | |||||
| 517 | The article deals with the archaic lexical stratum of the Tungus-Manchu peoples connected with hunting. It reveals the vocabulary of the ancient Tungus language formed during the culture formation of the Neolithic hunters. The theoretical basis of the research is the studies of Tungus specialists who have studied the language of the Tungus-Manchu peoples. The research methodology is based on an interdisciplinary approach that incorporates the results of studies of related scientific disciplines to solve the linguistic problem, including folklore, ethnography, history, and archeology studies. In accordance with the chosen methodology, the lexical stratum under study is viewed through the prism of ethnic worldview and folkloric traditions. The research material includes published dictionaries, collections on the folklore of the Tungus-Manchu peoples and field material of the author. The results of the analysis of the archaic lexical stratum connected with hunting, folkloric actions and motifs, basic worldviews, and social traditions of the Tungus-Manchu peoples show their origin in the mountain taiga landscape with the beginning of the Holocene during the development of the nomadic culture of hunters. As a result of the research, the author concludes that the archaic hunting traditions have their origin in the era of the ancient Tungus community. The main archaic cultural traditions of the Tungus Manchu peoples are reflected in the names of tools, the main objects of hunting and basic concepts connected with hunting. The ancient Tungus lexical stratum includes the following words: hurka – “noose, snare,” bər – “bow [of a simple type],” n`ur – “arrow,” kiŋnə – “wooden skis,” huksi – “skin skis,” omor – “birch-bark boat,” niki – “duck,” toki – “moose,” uǯa – “footprint,” bu(l)ta, bota – “hunting,” bujun – “hoofed animal.” In the worldview traditions of the Tungus, hunting as a concept is historically visualized in the meanings of “prey,” “gift,” and “giving”. Keywords: Evenki language, hunting vocabulary, Evenki folklore, hunting, the ethnogenesis of Tungus-Manchu peoples, Neolithic of the Baikal region | 330 | |||||
| 518 | The article analyzes the autobiographical short novels of Veps prose by V. Pulkin and A. Petukhov as valuable sources of historical-ethnographic material. The theoretical basis for the study is formed by the works of I. Vinokurova, N. Krinichnaya and I. Spiridonova. The study is guided by the need to bring new sources about the life of the Veps people into the scientific discourse. The methodology is based on a systematic approach using the methods of comparative historical, structural semiotic, and holistic textual analysis. The tasks for the study were: Identification and characterization of the main mythological figures in the Veps prose, description of the ethnographic elements (architecture, life routines, rites), and evaluation of the representativeness of the literary material. One of the contemporary problems is the integration of narrative forms and the transformation of the data obtained from them for use in various scientific fields. The literature of the Veps was studied by N. Zaitseva, A. Mishina, Z. Strogalshchikova, but the ethnographic elements, and mythological figures, which are part of the culture of this ethnic minority, remained in the periphery of theoretical conceptualization. The scientific novelty consists in the inclusion of ethnographic tropes in the analytical context of studies of ethnic minority literature. In analyzing the prose of Veps writers, the author identified and characterized mythological figures: Mecizand (the forest master spirit), Kodinizand (the house master spirit), Ičheine (one's own soul), Vedehiine (the water master spirit). The article briefly describes the ethnographic elements of the Veps culture found in the short novels: Home interiors, Rites, and Beliefs. It is stated that Veps' prose is based on the principles of topicality, historicism, autobiographism, and commemoration. The ethnographic elements and mythological characters in the short novels of V. Pulkin and A. Petukhov are authentic, confirmed by scientific findings from historical, geographical, and other sources. Fiction can provide science material but with deductions for the fantasy element. Keywords: prose, Veps people, literature, mythology, masters | 327 | |||||
| 519 | In the anthropocentric paradigm, the human being as a native speaker, as a representative of a particular culture, is at the center of modern linguistics. This formulation of the object of research requires a new approach, and other methods of its cognition, which take into account the role of the human factor in language, which determines the formation of the internal content of linguistic units and their decoding. In this work, the anthropocentric approach implies the principle of studying a person in a language, namely a person in the phraseological units of the Yakut language. The aspect of gender is relevant to the study of a person when considering the semantic features of naming men and women as components of phraseological units. The phraseological units of the Yakut language have not yet been studied under the aspect of gender. This work is the first attempt to identify from the set of phraseological units those expressions that contain the names of men/women and which come from the phraseographic and lexicographic dictionaries of the Yakut language. It turns out that a large number of phraseological units contain as a component the naming of the person ‘kihi’, whose gender identification is possible only based on the broad context, so in this work the interpretation of the values of most of the units is supported by examples from artworks or periodical. The difficulty in reading units with gendered semantics is due to the lack of a grammatical category for the gender of nouns denoting a person in the Yakut language. The study involved a systematization of the gender-marked units, i.e. the component denoting a person of male and/or female gender or marking the domain of their profession or social status, and a definition of the qualitative features established in the figurative bases of these units as signs with culturally significant information. The units labeled diakhtar “woman” and the areas in which they occur, despite their small number, reveal the theme of morality, especially as a violation of the norm for women’s behavior in this society. The phraseological units labeled er kihi “man” and the sphere in which he acts mainly reflect the description of his external features as well as the condemnation of the manifestations of his behavior in society. Keywords: phraseological units, Yakut language, gender, socio-culture, image of human | 327 | |||||
| 520 | The article deals with the naming ritual in the epic tales of Shors recorded by N. P. Dyrenkova, A. I. Chudojakov, L. N. Arbachakova, and Shors' narrators; some have not been published yet. The naming ceremony is one of the most important poetic and mythological motifs in all traditional oral cultures; it is associated with initiation. In folklore, it is treated as one of the so-called "epic formulas" or “commonplaces” as a standardized form of expression for folkloric motifs. Using descriptive and comparative methods, we have shown the general structure of the naming ceremony and its variability depending on the gender of the epic character and its role in the epic narrative. The article also describes the manifestations of naming an epic hero and his inner divine status. Special attention was paid to the linguistic representation of the naming ceremony and the epic formulas used. In the heroic stories of the Shors, the name of an epic hero has a great symbolic effect; the one who gives him a name is highly respected and honored. An epic hero is born miraculously. The boy (rarely a girl) grows very fast and gains all his power in just a few hours or days after an epic sleep. When he awakens, his parents or other close relatives send him to the coast or a mountain's steps to receive a name. They give him a drink to take to the person who will do the naming. Only if he has a heroic name can he fight the invaders, perform other glorious deeds or find a bride. The naming ceremony of the Shors consists of several parts: The child leaves the parental palace and goes to the place of the ceremony, he calls for a person who will give him a name, the name-giver comes, receives the drinks brought by the boy, announces the name and the blessing, the name-giver disappears and returns to his palace. During the naming ceremony, the name is first given to the epic hero's horse and only then to himself, followed by blessings and good wishes for him and his horse to be invincible and overcome all obstacles. Keywords: Shors stories, heroes, epics, naming ceremony, blessings, epic characters (alyp) | 324 | |||||
| 521 | This article presents the cult of the horse in Buryat mythology, religion, traditional medicine, and culture for the first time. In the nomads’ habitat, the horse was man’s best friend and companion, accompanying him from early childhood to old age. In the ritual and ceremonial complex of the Mongolian peoples, the horse cult had a sacred meaning that began with the initiation rites of the three- and seven-year-old boys to become horsemen and hunters and ended with the funeral and burial rites. The semantics of the horse cult can be found in various contexts: in shamanic mythology, religion, rituals, traditional culture, the Buryat circle dance – ‘yehor,’ and the musical instruments of the Mongols and Buryats. Of particular importance is the study of the phenomenon of the horse cult in connection with the origin, construction, and sacredness of the Mongolian musical instrument morinhur, the analog of which is the Buryat musical instrument khur. The deep mythological and religious ideas of the Buryats and Mongols about the horse are reflected in legends, uligers, West Buryat funeral songs of Uhelei duunuud, the circle dance of yehor as well as in the examination of the semantics of morinhura/khura in the context of the sound image of the world as an information model of shamanic rituals. Dotted parallels reflect the horse cult in the traditional culture of the Turkic and Mongolian ethnic groups. Keywords: horse cult, semantics,rituals, traditional culture, musical instruments, Buryats, Mongols | 324 | |||||
| 522 | The study of folklore is gradually moving beyond the traditional boundaries of its existence. It is known that folklore in general and regional folklore in particular was determined by its presence, its spread in the countryside, in the regions of republics, or regions. Traditional folk art, traditional culture as a whole was born, developed, preserved, and passed on from mouth to mouth, from generation to generation in the village. However, the subculture created in the villages – the culture of the Bashkir people – is transferred by its bearers to the urban environment, especially in the period of active urban movement. The introduction of the study consists in the fact that an attempt was made to identify and study urban Bashkir folklore in its particular post-folkloric manifestation and locus refraction, when yesterday's villagers, who have lived in the city for more than 40–50 years, have preserved in their memory the very folkloric traditions that they have imbibed with their mother's milk in their small homeland – in the villages of the republic's regions. To this end, the working group of the Bashkir State Pedagogical University named after M. Akmulla conducted a folklore expedition through the city of Ufa in the summer of 2022. The relevance of the study is increased by the prospects of the project when it becomes necessary to include the folklore of other large cities of the region in this analysis. The aim of the study is to identify the original Bashkir folklore that has been preserved in the urban environment. To achieve this goal, tasks such as studying and analyzing the materials collected during the expedition were solved, taking into account the degree of their preservation in the memory of the informants, their distinctive features, and originality based on authentic examples. Analytical, textological, and descriptive studies were used as methods. As a result, the samples recorded during the expeditionary journey around Ufa were considered, and the peculiarities and features of the presence of folk songs, takmaks, were revealed. Conclusions. Thus, summing up, the article concludes that locus samples of oral folk art are constantly preserved in the memory of people who have experienced the process of urbanization. In their cultural memory, they draw on the lingering folk songs, takmaks, and legends associated with the traditions of their small homeland. Keywords: folklore, post-folklore, urban processes, locus, subculture, people, Bashkir folklore, urban cultural landscape, song, takmaks, informants | 321 | |||||
| 523 | The study of the place of the human body and body etiquette in the traditional culture of the Bashkirs is considered a relevant problem, on the one hand, for a complete description of the culture of communication and, on the other hand – given the lack of research on this problem. Therefore, the aim of the article is to identify and describe the Bashkir body code according to mythology, ancient beliefs, and religious convictions to characterize the communication subjects. The research was conducted on the basis of descriptive, structural-functional, and comparative-typological research methods. A complex approach was used throughout the work, including the author's analysis of philosophical and ethnographic works and field materials. Based on folklore and field studies, the ideals of male and female beauty were defined, and the mythological, religious, and ritual foundations of the representations of the human body were identified. As a result, the traditional culture of the Bashkirs has developed its image of man based on the shape of the head and facial contours, skin color, hairiness, the thickness of hair and eyelashes, size of the forehead, mouth, lips, nose, ears and eyes, while folklore has recorded omens and beliefs associated with body parts. In traditional society, a man was perceived as a specimen and part of the universe. Following this view, the rules of behavior were associated with the vertical and horizontal structures of the human body. Thus, in communication, attention was paid to physical characteristics to determine the communication partner and the rules of behavior with him or her within the framework: earthly (this) – otherworldly (different), man – woman, old – young, ordinary – marked, as well as special attention to parts of the body that were considered containers of the soul. In addition, customs, prohibitions, and commandments regulated nudity according to ancient beliefs and the Muslim religion. In rare cases, nudity of the body was also observed during rites of passage. Thus, the body code of each nation has its peculiarities, the study of which is important to understand the nonverbal signals transmitted in communication, to determine the character and mentality, ideals and values, communication culture and etiquette of this or that ethnic group. Keywords: Bashkirs, traditional culture of Bashkirs, body, body code, communication, etiquette, body language | 316 | |||||
| 524 | The article deals with the importance of individual self-perception factors (language, religion, culture, historical memory) for maintaining Polish ethnic identity among the regional public organization “Polish House” members in Tomsk in the late 2010s. The main theoretical foundations of the work are the constructivist approach of the theory of ethnos (R. Brubaker, V.A. Tishkov) and the theory of historical memory (M. Halbwaks). Ethnic autostereotypes of this group are examined. The variability and contextuality of self-determination on an ethnic or political basis depending on the context of circumstances are shown: from the ethnonym “Pole” to the politonym “Russian” It is shown how important it is for the respondents to learn/know Polish, as it is one of the components of their identity. The majority of respondents know Polish or are learning it. As the authors noted, religious affiliation and commitment to Catholicism are not crucial for self-awareness as a Pole. The issue of preserving historical memory as a factor of ethnic identity is considered separately. The interviewees pointed out the importance of family history and archival materials (letters, photo albums) for the transmission of traditions and participation in the history of the Polish people. Poles from Siberia came here at various times in the XIX and XX centuries. In most cases, these were not voluntary resettlements. The authors studied the issues of the integration of Poles into Russian society. According to the study results, most respondents believe that Poles are fully integrated into Russian society. But, unfortunately, the Russian public sometimes extrapolates the actions and statements of Polish politicians to all Poles, which can have a negative impact on the attitude of Russians toward this ethnic group. The survey results show that the self-confidence of Russian Poles who have Polish ancestors (or suspect that they have Polish ancestors) is ambivalent and depends on external factors. Furthermore, they show the great importance of historical (collective) memory, which is the most important marker of the identity of Russian Poles, while linguistic and religious markers do not play such an important role. Keywords: Poles, Russian Poles, Siberia, ethnic identity, historical memory, autostereotypes, constructivism, public organizations | 316 | |||||
| 525 | The article is devoted to another attempt to determine the ethnolinguistic affiliation of one of the most enigmatic polytonyms of pre-Russian Siberia – Pegaya Horde as a name for the entire population of a given territory, without taking into account their ethnic, linguistic, and cultural identity. Under the politonym, Pegaya Horde all nomadic peoples of Siberia were united in the post-Mongol era. In the pre-Mongol (or Mongol) era, Chinese chronicles recorded the polytonym Boma “skewbald” (驳-马 [bo-ma] 'skewbald (spotted) horse') or Alakchin (as well as Alats) as the name of a particular tribe that had skewbald (different, motley ) horses. If the first part of the socionym Pegaya Horde is conceptually connected with Boma, Alakchin, Alats, and the Olkhonud tribe of Mongols, the base of which is connected with the Altaic appellative alag / alha 'motley, piebald,' then the second part of the socionym – Horde, is connected with the Mongolian ard '1'. arat, worker; people; ard tumen parn. people'. The mysterious Boma's localization corresponds to the Mongol ecumene area, which geographically coincides with the northeastern part of the modern Transbaikalian territory, including the northern areas of China – Manchuria, Khulunbuir and Hailar. An analysis of the meaning of these onyms, usually associated with Mongol ecumenism, allowed us to assume that the Olkhonүүd onym of the Mongols, as well as Boma, Alakchin and Alat ('s), have a Samoyedic origin. Note that the term "motley" is ethnographically embedded in key images of the Buryat-Mongol world. In addition, we have compared the synonymous Boma onym as hetsy (or khela), recorded by Chinese chroniclers as another name for the Boma people, with the genonym Huatsai / Hoatsai Khori-Buryat. The genonym Huatsay / Hoatsay as the name of one of the largest clans of the eastern group of the Buryats – the Khori- Buryats – has a similar meaning to the anthroponym KHASAEV, which was recorded in the census of the indigenous people of the Irkutsk province of Aginsky Steppe Duma for 1830 and is the personal name of the Buryats of the Huatsay clan. We compare the name KHASAEV (in the name of KHASA) in the Buryat census for 1830 with the Nenets Khasyo, but without excluding the possibility of comparing this historical anthroponym with the proper name of the Nenets – Khasava '1) male; khasava Ҋatseky boy'; hasava nu 'son.' Further analysis of this personal name KHASAEV made it possible to compare its meaning with the Nenets hasho '1. figurative man; 2. (with a capital) Hasyo (masculine proper name)', which suggests to us that the genonym Huatsai was formed from this name, which was once an eponym. The Samoyedic-speaking beginning (and some Ket-speaking tribes) is observed in the genonymy of the Khori-Buryats and Tungus of Gantimur in the Nerchinsk district of the 17th–19th centuries as the autochthonous population of the historical Dauria of the Russian period in the history of Eastern Transbaikalia. Based on the onomasiological approach, the method of conceptual metaphor as an effective method, coupled with the method of conceptual metonymy, was constructive and allowed to describe the pre-ethnonymic and self-ethnonymic meanings of historical onyms in the projection of nomadism, which have a self-descriptive (including Ket ) ethnolinguistic origin. Keywords: Boma, Pegaya Horde, Alakchin, Olkhonүүd of the Mongols, Chinese hetsy, genonym Huatsai / Hoatsai Hori-Buryat, revisionary narratives of 1830, piebald, Samoyedic-speaking tribes, “motley” | 316 | |||||
| 526 | About 1.5 thousand forest Nenets live in the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug–Yugra (KhMAO-Yugra). This ethnic group includes smaller local groups with their own dialect and traditions. As they have mixed with the neighboring Khanty, who outnumber them and with whom they now have much in common culturally, they have retained their ethnic self-consciousness and parts of their worldview. In March 2023, the author traveled to the village of Numto, located on the shores of the lake of the same name - one of the most revered sacred sites of the indigenous peoples of Yugra and Yamal and the area where there is close interethnic interaction between the Forest-Nenets and the Kazym-Khanty. The collected data testify to the active existence of folk traditions in this area and provide an opportunity to observe their changes, especially in the sacred sphere, which has a relatively conservative character. The folkloric materials are based on various legends about the origin of this “heavenly, divine” lake and its sacred island. The mobility of the folkloristic representations is due to the variable character of folk art. The author’s field notes and those already recorded by other researchers were used for the study, making it possible to trace the variability of the legends about Numto. Interesting is the sequence of transformations from the second half of the 20th century to the present day, the folk tale about the sacrifice of young men on the sacred island, which testifies to the smoothing of interethnic contradictions between the intermarried groups: the Numtov-Nenets and the Kazym-Khanty. Their cultural rapprochement was also facilitated by the cult of the Kazym goddess, whom both groups worship. In the Numto area, the sacrificial ritual plays an important role, performed by the locals and representatives of other Nenets and Khanty ethnic groups who come to pray at the local shrines. At present, the ban on visiting the sacred island has been somewhat relaxed and even lifted for Nenets and Khanty women who are related to the Nenets. The reason for this is that they have been assigned one of the tasks when butchering a sacrificial deer. Among the Kazym-Khanty, the taboo on visiting the sacred island, which used to apply to everyone regardless of gender, has also lost its force. In the cultural symbiosis between the Khanty and the Nenets under consideration here, the changes in the traditions of the Nenets are the most conspicuous, while they are more hidden in the culture of the Kazym-Khanty. Keywords: Forest Nenets, Kazym-Khanty, interethnic relations between Khanty and Nenets, changes in traditions, folklore stories about Numto, sacrificial rites at sacred sites | 316 | |||||
| 527 | The paper examines classifier constructions to express chaining reciprocals in Russian Sign Language. Typological studies of reciprocity show that the chaining reciprocal can be mediated by markers of prototypical reciprocal meaning or by special markers. As a visual modality language, Russian Sign Language has unique and iconic means of expressing reciprocal meaning. Studies on reciprocity in sign language show that classifier constructions are used to describe chaining situations. Classifiers are morphologically complex signs that some researchers consider to be a mixture of signs and gestures. It is, therefore, to be expected that the chaining reciprocal semantics in sign languages can be described in a more iconic and complex way than in spoken languages. The results of this study, which was carried out using corpus data and elicited data, show that three types of classifier constructions are used in Russian sign language for spatial chaining situations: They represent the process of forming a chain of objects, the presence of the chain and the movement of the chain. 19% of the sentences contain two types of classifier constructions that always occur in a specific order. These three classifier constructions can be applied to at least 15 classifier handshapes. Not all parameters of these classifier constructions are equally mandatory and important. The mandatory elements of these constructions are the position and function of the dominant and non-dominant hand and the movement of the trajectory from the beginning to the end of the chain. In addition, the wholeness of the discontinuity of the chain can be expressed by reduplication. The secondary movement and orientation are very iconic and depend on the characteristics of the situation. The use of these parameters to describe the characteristics of objects and their placement and movement varies greatly between informants, which can be explained by the fact that these parameters are closer to the gesture than to the linguistic element of the classification construction. Keywords: Russian sign language, reciprocal, reciprocal concatenation, classifiers, classifier constructions, dominant hand, non-dominant hand, reduplication, hand configuration, movement, orientation | 315 | |||||
| 528 | Toys have long been the subject of ethnographic research. Among the toys, balls, bats, dolls, and random toys made of natural materials stand out. They are rarely mentioned in the scientific literature. The article, based exclusively on the field material of the author’s team, is devoted to the study of these types of toys among Bashkir children, i.e., play objects that return to the natural environment after play. The study aims to reveal an unexplored aspect of the problem and show the stability of random toys (or eco-toys) as an element of play culture. These toys are classified according to their material of origin: stones, wood, clay, and plant toys made of grass, flowers, and fruit. The classification of games is based on gender and age: boys’ games, girls’ games, and general games. A historiographical overview of the literature on the games of Bashkir children leads to the conclusion that Bashkir toys have hardly been researched and that the subject of random toys has not been dealt with at all. The authors found that the objects in question are characterized by simplicity of manufacture, the games are quick, and the play objects return to the natural environment. Nevertheless, such games are of great importance as they help to develop children’s dexterity, accuracy, and observation skills; they familiarize them with the properties of objects and the world around them; they have an educational value as the child learns through play to recognize plants, materials, their properties and the possibility of their use in everyday life. All games and eco-games reflect the traditional occupations and way of life of the Bashkir people - animal husbandry, hunting, and gathering. In the child’s imagination, the surrounding world, the reality of life, and everyday life are represented by wood, clay, flowers, herbs, and stones. Examples of the oldest hunting and gathering techniques can sometimes be seen in this type of toy – a sling, whistles, slingshots, and plants for decoration. Even today, the toy has not lost its significance and retains its niche in modern children’s culture. Keywords: toys, eco-toys, play, games, play culture, Bashkirs, whistles, dolls, sling, plants, flowers | 315 | |||||
| 529 | The article deals with verbs of falling (cf. in English: fall, drop, plummet, plunge, nosedive) in the Tatyshly subdialect of the Udmurt language (southern variant, peripheral-southern dialect). This domain has not yet been systematically studied based on Udmurt language material. The study relies on the frame-based approach to lexical typology, which proposes to describe semantics through collocation analyses of lexemes. The results are compared with the conclusions of the typological project and several language-specific articles on verbs of falling. The data were collected mainly by surveying native speakers (translation from Russian into Udmurt, evaluation and interpretation of sentences in Udmurt). Data from the Udmurt dictionaries and corpora are also considered. We analyze the main semantic oppositions in the domain of verbs of falling in the Tatyshly subdialect of the Udmurt language. First, it is the opposition between falling from above and changing from a vertical to a horizontal position. Second, a special verb for falling involves a subject’s destruction (typical of many languages). Third, there are a number of lexemes describing the movement of liquids and granular substances. We discuss their semantic properties, their connection to the falling of multiple subjects, and the constraints on their use in the latter contexts. Verbs of substance motion refer mainly to the falling of multiple small subjects, while larger subjects require dominant verbs of falling. Fourth, a special lexical item denotes the falling of a subject (either animate or, what is typologically curious, inanimate) onto its front. Finally, we discuss contiguity between the domain of falling and other domains (destruction, rotation, and other types of motion). The semantic reasons for colexification are formulated. Keywords: lexical typology, semantics, polysemy, verbs of falling, verbs of movement, Udmurt language | 312 | |||||
| 530 | The article analyzes the orographic appellatives of high relief on the material of Yakut oronymy in a comparative aspect with Turkic, Mongolian, and Manchu-Tungus languages. The author examines their semantics and distribution. In addition, their role in the formation of oronyms is determined. The research material comes mainly from bilingual, lexicographic, etymological, dialectological, and toponymic dictionaries and linguistic works containing information on orographic appellatives. The study also used material collected by the author during the field expeditions conducted in the central regions of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) since 2020. The article aims to identify the orographic appellatives of the high relief in Yakut oronymy and to describe them comparatively historically. Nowadays, such a specific layer of the Yakut toponymic vocabulary as oronymy is considered endangered for a number of sociolinguistic and socioeconomic reasons and needs collection, systematization, study, and preservation in linguistic databases. The result of the descriptive method shows that the orographic appellatives occurring in Yakut oronymy reflect the physical and geographical features of the terrain in which they function. The statistical method has shown that high relief appellatives account for about 27% of all Yakut oronyms. The most active in forming oronyms are the appellatives haya ‘mountain, rock’ (20%), bulgunniakh ‘pingo’ (19%), taas ‘rock, mountain’ (7%), tumul ‘cape’ (7%). The word formation structure of most of the Yakut oronyms with appellatives of high relief is represented by two-word attributive constructions and is formed according to models such as “noun + noun” and “adjective + noun”. The comparative historical method has shown that the orographic appellatives of high relief in Yakut oronymy are represented by Turkic, Mongolian, Manchu-Tungusic, as well as common Altaic word stems. The etymological analysis of the appellatives denoting different forms of relief allows us to deepen and broaden the study of the genetic relationship of the Altai languages and the ways of their historical development. Some appellatives of high relief are in the stage of their formation, and others are well established and exist in many Turkic, Mongolian, and Manchu-Tungus languages. Keywords: Yakut language, oronymy, oronyms, orographic appellatives, high relief | 309 | |||||
| 531 | The following article analyzes the concept of HOMELAND in the Siberian Turkic languages (Altai, Khakas, Tuvan, Yakut) and Khanty (an Ob-Ugric language), in contrast to the Mongolian languages. Compared to Russian, where HOMELAND encompasses the ‘small homeland’ and the ‘large homeland’ as a state, the concept of HOMELAND is still developing in the Siberian languages, partly under the influence of Russian linguaculture. In the Siberian and Mongolian linguistic images of the world, the homeland is represented as an idealized space (both physical and spiritual) conquered by the ancestors. The notion of homeland is associated with birth (the land where a person was born and their afterbirth was buried), kinship (homeland as a parent, metaphorical connection with the homeland through the umbilical cord), objects that mark one’s ‘own’ space (rivers, mountains, meadows, forests, campsites, hearths). Also important are the national characteristics and qualities attributed to the homeland by native speakers (junipers, healing springs, richness of flora and fauna, abundance of people). Emotional components of the concept are also essential and are verbalized through expressions that positively characterize the homeland. We distinguish common and unique national features of the concept of HOMELAND in the languages mentioned above. For example, HOMELAND is defined in all languages as the land where someone was born and raised; the idea of kinship with the land is also universal, as is the sacralization of space and the presence of a body of water. In the descriptions of the Altai, certain similarities can be found between the linguistic worldviews of Altaic and Mongolian (frequent epithets such as ‘sacred,’ ‘golden,’ and ‘healing’). Certain unique somatisms and verbs characterizing the homeland as an anthropomorphic being are found in different Turkic languages. Keywords: Siberian Turkic languages, Khanty language, Mongolian languages, linguistic worldview, concept, linguaculture, lexis | 309 | |||||
| 532 | The article presents a collective portrait of the nuns and novices of the Tomsk monastery of St. John the Baptist from 1869 to 1917. The basis for the analysis is the lists of the monastery's residents for the given period. They are studied using the methods of prosopographic research, which allows us to determine from which places the women and girls came to the monastery, what social status and origin they had, what education they received, what activities they pursued in the monastery, as well as to trace the dynamics of changes in their status in the community. It turned out that most of the monastery's residents came from different regions of Siberia. However, among the novices and nuns were also those who had moved to Western Siberia from the regions of European Russia – immigrants to Siberia and novices, nuns who had been sent to the Tomsk monastery by the decision of the hierarchy. Among the residents, most were unmarried girls who had chosen to enter the convent. Widows were represented to a lesser extent. Women and girls of peasant origin and middle-class women dominated the class composition. However, origin from the lower classes did not affect the status of the resident women in the community. It was not determined by origin but by skills and abilities. Education was of particular importance, and the leadership of the monastic community encouraged the teaching of nuns to read and write. This enabled these nuns and novices to serve in the temple and also to teach at the monastery's theological school, whose work was an important part of the monastery's social service. The composition of the monastic community was stable, and the average length of stay of a resident in the monastery was 15 years or more. There were extremely rare cases of a sister leaving the convent. At the same time, the journey from a "probationary sister" to a nun could take ten years or more, as the age for taking religious vows was prescribed. Thus, the spiritual growth of the residents took place over many years, combined with the development of new skills and increasing education. Keywords: prosopography, prosopographical method, lists of nuns, Tomsk monastery of St. John the Baptist, monasticism, nun | 307 | |||||
| 533 | This article analyzes the Komi-Permyak ideas about the souls of the dead and their implementation in oral narratives, the use of Russian borrowings in the Komi-Permyak language. We have used the method of contextual analysis, which aims to describe linguistic features that reflect the links between the language and the culture of the Komi-Permyaks. The Komi adhere to the idea that man has two sous – lov and ort. The first is the inner soul, the soul breath that leaves the body at the time of death, the second is the outer soul, the shadow, the doppelganger of a person that can become visible before death. Modern Komi-Permyaks do not distinguish between two forms of the soul, although there are still stories about various harbingers of death, including doppelgangers. In addition to the original word ort, the word urös has also survived in various dialects: Among the Komi-Izhma, this word refers to a figure close to the ort; among the Kochevo Komi-Permyaks, it is used in texts about harbingers of death; among the Russified Onkovites, it is a spirit that appears before death. The soul of the deceased remains in the house until day 40 (six weeks). It manifests itself in various sounds, and the Komi-Permyak language has a developed system of onomatopoeic words. In addition, there are also Russian loan verbs meaning 'to imagine, to wonder' blaznite, verzhitchyny, versishchyny, vӧrzhitchyny, prikashaytchyny, as well as the original verb kazmö́tchyny 'to remember, to make oneself known'. The main reason for borrowing this group of verbs from the Komi-Permyak language is obviously their abstract character, the abstraction from concrete manifestations (mostly sound), which describe the appearance of the souls of the dead in the Komi-Permyak language. Keywords: Komi-Permyak language, ort soul, lov soul, onomatopoeia, imagining things | 307 | |||||
| 534 | The article is devoted to the publication of materials from the Samuska III settlement, discovered in 2016 on the territory of the Samus archeological microdistrict (Tomsk Ob region), and is a continuation of the previously published results of the study of the stone industry of the site based on the results of the 2018 works. The basis for writing the article was the materials of the 2018–2019 field studies, obtained from 7 test pits with a total area of 14 m². The finds include fragments of ceramic vessels, fragments of technical ceramics, stone objects, and their fission products, fragments of mineral pigments, a fragment of petrified wood, slag, and calcined bones. The artifacts of the Shelomok culture from the Early Iron Age and the Samus culture from the Early and Middle Bronze Age as well as individual vessel fragments from the Late Neolithic and Eneolithic form the basis of the ceramic complex. The analysis of the site's lithic industry is complemented by findings from the 2019 collection and is consistent with previously published data. Tools with traces of crushing and grinding of dyes and mineral pigments with traces of processing reflect the phases of paint production by the Samus culture population. The stratigraphy in the test pits with occupation layers corresponds to the stratigraphic situation in the areas with natural soil formation. In the 2018 pit, however, two stratigraphic layers were distinguished, corresponding to the Early and Middle Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. In addition, an assemblage of tools, intermediates, and objects with nonutilitarian functions was found in this pit, which is located near a site with dark gray, dense, sandy clay immersed in an archeologically sterile layer. This work made it possible to place the previously published data from the site in a cultural and historical context and to attribute the stone industry to the Samus culture. The radiocarbon data obtained, together with the collected finds, give reason to attribute the Early and Middle Bronze Age complex to the late phase of the Samus culture. Given the stratigraphic and planigraphic position, the collection of artifacts from the 2018 pit can be interpreted as a set that was kept or carried in a case, or as grave goods. Keywords: Tomsk Ob region, Samus, Tom, Early and Middle Bronze Age, Early Iron Age, Samus culture, Shelomok culture | 306 | |||||
| 535 | This paper deals with the identification of the comparative features used for dendronyms in the structure of comparative tropes in modern Udmurt. Based on the analysis of linguistic material from the electronic corpus of the Udmurt language, the semantic meanings of stereotypical comparative images containing the “names of trees” were outlined, and stable semantic connotations of dendronyms were revealed. According to the study’s results, the lexeme badyar ‘maple’ has the broadest semantic meanings; overall, most tree names express single semantic connotations. When considering the semantic features of comparative tropes with dendronyms, the following groups of comparative features were found to form a significant part of the linguistic and conceptual picture of the world of the native Udmurt speaker: (a) Ideas about a person’s appearance, physique, growth and development, health, physical features: Тазалыкез тыпы кадь юн «His health is as strong as an oak tree»; Вож бадяр кадь мугорыз лабрес беризьлы укшаны ӧдъяз «His body, which resembled a green maple, became like a spreading linden tree»; b) Ideas about a person as a representative of society, as a bearer of social functions: Мар со лыктэм нылмурт бордад сирпу кадь лякиське? «Why does this guest girl stick to you like an elm tree?»; c) According to the analysis of the collected material, comparative constructions with dendronyms are rarely used to represent the idea of a person’s character and moral qualities. At the same time, other groups of phytonyms are much more common in this group of comparative constructions: Сямыз ӟег нянь но тӥни. Literal translation: «By nature, it is rye bread (type)»; Небӟем губи тон, Аркаш. Ас кышнодэ но кияд кутэмед уг луы «You’re like a rotten mushroom, Arkady (soft-hearted). You can’t even handle your wife». From the analysis of comparative tropes, which contain tree names in their structure, it can be concluded that this vocabulary group has an important axiological status, reflecting centuries-old life experiences and observations of the surrounding nature. Keywords: Udmurt language, comparative tropes, dendronyms, phytonyms, signs of comparison | 292 | |||||
| 536 | The subject of this article is the lexical-semantic oppositions of the Russian and Ossetian languages. These oppositions are considered from the point of view of sememe semasiology, i.e., the meaning (sememe) is described as a certain integrity that goes beyond the details of its structure; accordingly, semantemes are analyzed, i.e., the composition of sememes of a lexeme functioning in Russian and Ossetian. The focus is on the value types. The article aims to study the most frequent oppositions of lexical semantics of words in Russian and Ossetian, which represent an active zone of interlingual interference that allows us to assert, on the one hand, the preservation of important national images of Ossetian culture and, on the other hand, the mental influence of Ossetians on the Russian culture of a given region. Explanatory dictionaries of the Russian language and translated Ossetian-Russian lexicographic reference works served as sources for the empirical data; data obtained through interviews with the inhabitants of Vladikavkaz were also used. The typology of lexical-semantic relations is represented by three main types of interlingual relations: equivalence, inclusion, and intersection. Special attention was paid to polysemic lexemes since they most convincingly show similar and differentiating sememes of the compared semantic structures. The priority of these sememes in the semantic structures of Ossetian lexemes in comparison with the corresponding Russian words, testifying to the preservation of important national images inherent in the Ossetian mentality, is affirmed. Thus, the denotative-conceptual apparatus and connotations of the Ossetian lexemes allow us to talk about the features of the worldview of the Ossetian people, which is actively manifested in the lexical-semantic comparison. The presented semantic oppositions reflect the social transformations due to the current tendency in modern society to form a Russian identity that implies separate, relatively autonomous constituents, for example, the identity of a national character. Accordingly, the study of lexicalsemantic oppositions between Russian and Ossetian vocabulary units seems to be relevant not only in linguistic but also in ideological terms, as they reflect the basic values of the population of a particular Russian region. Keywords: оssetian language, semantic opposition, contrastive semantic analysis, sememe, semantemes, semantic equivalence, semantic inclusion, semantic overlap, national identity | 290 | |||||
| 537 | This article deals with the semantics of lexemes with the meaning ‘straight(ly)’ (e.g., about the direction of motion) in the Tatyshly subdialect of Udmurt (Peripheral-Southern dialect, Southern variety). Methodologically, the study is follows the frame-based approach to lexical typology, which presupposes the investigation of lexical semantics through collocational analysis. The majority of the data was collected by elicitation in the Tatyshly district of the Republic of Bashkortostan (the villages of Nizhnebaltachevo, Staryj Kyzyl-Jar, Ivanovka, Novye Tatyshly, Starokal’mijarovo as well as Verkhnebaltachevo, Bigineevo, Aribash, Urazgil’dy). In addition, the text corpus collected in the field was used, and as a broader background, the data of some other varieties of Udmurt, mainly from dictionaries and corpora, were taken into account. The material from Udmurt is compared with typological generalizations about the lexemes with the meaning ‘straight(ly)’. I show that the meaning in question in Tatyshly Udmurt can be expressed by the lexeme šon′er (and its derivative šon′erak) and by the lexeme ves′ak. I analyze the distributional differences between these lexemes in the contexts in which they describe a straight line with different topological properties and motion along a straight line. Their abstract uses are also systematized. I discuss the secondary development of the meaning ‘straight(ly),’ which is typologically sophisticated: šon′er is probably related to the Proto-Uralic root for ‘good, healthy’ (and has no obvious cognates among the lexemes referring to a straight line in other Uralic languages). At the same time, ves′ak is derived from a universal quantifier ves′ borrowed from Russian. The quantificational semantics is fundamental to ves′ak in other Udmurt varieties for which detailed data are available. In Tatyshly Udmurt, however, it is unproductive and replaced by a narrower class of usages referring to a straight line. Keywords: Uralic languages, Udmurt language, Tatyshly subdialect, lexical typology, semantics, polysemy | 288 | |||||
| 538 | Since its domestication, the horse has played an important role in human life. It has contributed to making people extremely mobile. By covering great distances relatively quickly, they managed to dominate large areas. People actively involved the horse in economic, military, religious, ceremonial, and other activities. Its importance was so great that it became an obligatory part of funeral rites. Horses were buried with their deceased owners, so they became signposts to the "other world" for them and continued to serve them even after death. Archaic consciousness often attributed the use of a horse as a mount to the inhabitants of the subterranean world of non-human nature. Similar ideological ideas were definitely present among the Khakass. This work aims to characterize the horse as a religious and mythological figure of the Khakass, having a chthonic nature. The work's chronological framework is limited to the late XIX–XX century framework. The source material on the research topic determines the choice of this time frame. Ethnographic and folkloric materials, published and put into scientific circulation, served as a source base. Among the folk sources, the heroic stories (Alyptyg Nymakhtar) are widely used, from which excerpts in the author's translation are presented in Russian for the first time. Guiding the study is the principle of historicism, in which each cultural phenomenon is considered in its development, considering a specific situation. The research methodology uses historical and ethnographic methods: Vestiges (relics), folklore, and semantic analysis. The results of the study suggest that the image of the horse in the Khakass culture was endowed with extensive and diverse symbolism. It was a sacred animal and directly related to traditional ideas about death and the other world. The horse is a signpost to the other world and also an attribute of lower mythological beings. As a chthonic being, it is endowed with a number of specific characteristics: various physical anomalies, polymorphism, size, supernatural abilities, and connection with the element of water. Keywords: Khakass, traditional worldview, myth, ritual, horse, chthonism, underworld, demon | 286 | |||||
| 539 | This study aimed to scientifically process and comparatively analyze the names of domestic animals in the Khalkha-Mongolian, Old Mongolian, Buryat, and Kalmyk languages to identify common terms and determine their general Mongolian character. For comparison, parallels from the Bashkir language and the language of the Siberian Tatars were used to identify common Turkic-Mongolian terms for livestock associated with the names of domestic animals. We were able to determine that many of these terms are borrowed, and we were also able to determine that the terms associated with the camel in the Khalkha-Mongolian, Buryat, Kalmyk, and non-written Mongolian languages have a Turkic origin. Mongolian terms for cattle are also Turkic. The terms associated with horses have no Turkic equivalent. Further study of this vocabulary layer, especially from the comparative-historical aspect, will make it possible to explain the external influence of the Mongolian languages under which the Mongolian terminology of domestic animals was formed because the Khalkha-Mongolian, Buryat, and Kalmyk terms have parallel terms in the Turkic languages such as azarga, hyuleg, zhoroo, argamag, agta. Keywords: the Khalkha-Mongolian language, the Buryat language, the Kalmyk language, the Bashkir language, the language of the Siberian Tatars, horse, cattle, camel, the Mongolian languages, the Turkic languages | 286 | |||||
| 540 | The article deals with the markers expressing ablative semantics in Nanaic varieties, including several Nanai dialects (Naikhin, Dzhuen, Gorin, and Bikin), Ulcha, Uilta, and Kili (Kur-Urmi). The study compiled a list of contexts with ablative and closely related semantics and analyzed which grammatical element is used in each context in each language variety. The study draws on textual data from a variety of sources, including our own field recordings, archival texts, and published texts. The final dataset shows several clusters of language varieties, meanings, and ablative markers. There are three clusters of Nanaic varieties based on the attested ablative cases: Naikhin and Dzhuen Nanai, Gorin Nanai and Uilta, and a random cluster of Bikin Nanai and Ulcha. The Kili variant stands out from these. The observed ablative markers cluster according to the meaning groups they cover: proper ablative markers, the ablative/instrumental marker -ǯi, prolative case markers -ki and -kki, which cover a near-prolative subset of the ablative domain, and a broader locative/prolative marker -la, which combines nearprolative meanings and sources of information or transmission. The Nanaic varieties show three stable polysemy patterns: ablative core meanings, near-prolative meanings, and physical and metaphorical transfer. Finally, there are two clusters based on the distribution of markers within the ablative domain: The first cluster includes Naikhin Nanai, Dzhuen Nanai, Kili, and possibly Bikin Nanai, while the second cluster includes Uilta and Ulcha. Gorin Nanai stands apart. Keywords: Tungusic languages, Nanaic languages, Nanai, Ulcha, Uilta, Kili, ablative | 283 | |||||
| 541 | The most important principle of the communication culture of the Altaians is respect for a person’s age, which is determined based on the 12-year "animal" calendar. Ages located in time function as successive stages of a person's life and are the subject of this article. In introducing the source base (field and published ethnographic and folklore material) into the scientific cycle, methodological research tools based on a combination of a comparative historical analysis method and methods of describing and systematizing the collected material were used. The study's relevance lies in the fact that against the devaluation of traditional family values in the context of globalization, the experience of intergenerational relations among Altaians is of interest. It was found that Altaians use two or three age-counting systems in parallel – the 12-decimal system, the 10-decimal system, and the 20-decimal system. It is noticeable that in the Altaic language, the word “jash” is used to refer to the concept of “year” as a unit of age counting, as opposed to the year “jyl” as an astronomical phenomenon (a series of seasons). The views of the Altaians about the return of "their" year after 11 lived years are determined, as well as the reasons for the passing century, including six calendar cycles (72 years). Ritual behaviors observed in the year one was born under a particular animal are described, revering the animal under whose mark one was born. Age definitions and idioms are given so that the number of years lived is not mentioned, while number symbolism (an even number in relation to the world of the living), a stereotype of thinking in traditional Altaic culture, is observed. A comparison of the age characteristics of old people with inanimate and insignificant objects of everyday life (a crutch, a block of wood, a stirring rod, a mortar), but not with characteristics of animals (a dog, a squirrel, a wolf, a camel), which are peculiar to young animals, is emphasized. It is concluded that the age calendar periods in the life of a person represent the polar halves: at the age of 12, 24, 36, and 48 years, characterized by an increasing and progressive tendency, at the age of 60 and 72 years, associated with aging and declining line. In connection with the three festivals of life – birth, marriage, and death – a person's physical entry and social descent are manifested. Keywords: Altaians, traditional communicating culture, age, calendar, life stages, age counting, field material, direct observation method | 283 | |||||
| 542 | So far, the semantics of Yakut and Altaic color names have not been analyzed from the anthropocentric perspective of semantic change. The study aims to show the universal and ethnic peculiarities in the semantic divergence and convergence of Yakut and Altaic color names. The analysis of the semantic structure of basic color lexemes in Yakut and Altaic languages revealed both common and specific features. Both Yakut and Altaic color names develop derivational-referential, figurative, and phraseological meanings as a result of divergent and convergent development and expansion of semantics. For the first time, the semantic divergence and convergence in Yakut and Altaic color names are examined. The analysis of lexical and phraseological polysemy shows divergence and convergence in the semantic change of lexical units. The anthropocentrism of semantic change in Yakut and Altaic color names is revealed when phrasemes develop a figurative meaning due to structural separability, and complete or partial reinterpretation of their constituents. The general research method is inductiondeduction, and the linguistic methods include componential analysis, the method of phraseological identification, and the comparative analysis of Yakut and Altaic color names. The analysis of dictionary entries in lexicographic and phraseographic sources was used to describe the semantic structure of lexical and phraseological units. It was found that Yakut and Altaic, as related languages, have more universal than ethnically specific color names, as they both belong to the Eastern Hun branch of the Turkic language, while ethnically specific color names are determined by lifestyle and climate. The continuous accumulation of research material on related and unrelated languages and the breakthroughs in information technology keep the interest in the further development of this problem alive. The research material can be used in theoretical lectures and practical courses on comparative linguistics. Keywords: anthropocentrism, color names, Yakut, Altai, lexical and phraseological unit, divergence and convergence of semantic change | 282 | |||||
| 543 | The article deals with the historical processes of the formation of a special ethnic community in the north of the Purovsky district of YaNAO. Its base was the native Tundra Nenets and the newcomers Komi-Izhma. The Nenets, who lived on the lower reaches of the river. Pur, known to the Russian pioneers since the 17th century, resisted for a long time the imposition of their ruler Yasak and the construction of forts on the banks of the Taz Bay. The gradual pacification of the Nenets and the rationalization of the Yasak River led to the lower reaches of the Pur being almost completely forgotten by the Russians, and this area became a "bear corner." Only the development of the fishing industry in the second half of the XIX century reawakened the interest of the authorities in this area. Most of the Nenets were engaged in fishing, leaving their few reindeer in herds. This tumultuous activity of fishermen affected the gathering of yasak and led to the decline of local reindeer herding. During the Soviet period, extraordinary measures were taken to revive reindeer herding on the lower reaches of the Pur River. The dispossessed Komi-Izhemtsy from the western regions of Yamal and Khanty-Mansiysk districts were voluntarily and forcibly resettled here, and the Samburg administrative center was built. The active and enterprising Komi-Izhma brought to the lower reaches of the Pur the advanced methods of reindeer grazing developed over decades. Gradually, local Nenets reindeer herders adopted the Komi-Izhma's new skills to run a profitable economy. As the representatives of the two peoples came closer, individual elements of traditional culture were exchanged. The influence of the Komi-Izhemtsy proved to be stronger. Mixed Izhma-Nenets families emerged. The Nenets mastered the language of the Komi-Izhma. Women from mixed families stopped sewing the traditional fur coats and switched to Izhma malitsa, which differed from men only by a hood made of white deerskin. Today, the processes of urbanization and industrial development of the land on the lower reaches of the Pur River affect the daily life of Samburg reindeer herders and fishermen. Nevertheless, the Nenets and Komi-Izhma continue to lead a traditional economy and preserve a unique culture that adapts to new conditions. Keywords: Nenets, Komi-Izhma, Pur River, Samburg, interethnic contacts, reindeer herding | 277 | |||||
| 544 | The article is dedicated to the visual record of the traditional culture of the Kets, one of the numerically small peoples of the Krasnoyarsk region. The history of drawings (using the example of an illustration from the book by I. G. Georgi) and photographic records of the Kets is considered, beginning with the expeditions of V. I. Anuchin (1905–1909) and F. Nansen (1913) and ending with the expeditions of A. P. Dulzon (1950s–1960s); references are given to the holdings in archives and online collections of museums where photo collections are kept. Fifteen films and videos about the Kets, shot between 1978 and 2021 and found in open sources and archives, are described and analyzed from the perspective of visual anthropology. The filming locations, the first and last names of the Ket language speakers who appear on screen, the video and audio sequence of the films, the characteristics of the direction, and the author’s position on the prospects of the development (or extinction) of the Ket language and traditional Ket culture as a whole are analyzed. The author’s video footage taken during his expeditions to the Ket in 2004–2005 is also considered. All the films examined are presented in a table that includes the year of release, the date, the name of the directors and the name of the studio that produced the film, the language (Russian, Ket), and a link to the film or its trailer or synopsis in open sources on the Internet. The author concludes that the Ket culture has maintained its representation on screen despite its relative neglect by filmmakers compared to neighboring peoples (Nenets, Evenks, and Selkups). The conclusion is that the photographic and video records devoted to the Ket language and culture need to be further studied from the perspective of visual anthropology, including data from the informants’ personal photo and video archives. The article may be of interest to ethnologists, folklorists, and specialists in visual anthropology. Keywords: photography, filmmaking, videography, Kets, visual anthropology | 277 | |||||
| 545 | Based on the analysis of various ethnographic data and the author's field material, this article examines the use of snow for economic activities and a range of socio-cultural practices of the Yakuts in the mid-19th and 21st centuries. The principles of cryosophy and cryoanthropology, which suggest a positive perception of cold and the cryogenic processes and phenomena that accompany it, served as the methodological basis for the study, as did the increased attention given to the analysis of the role of cryogenic resources in the life of northern communities. We analyzed documents from the collections of the Irkutsk Region State Archives, the Scientific Archives of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the St. Petersburg Branch of the Archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Manuscript Fund of the Archives of the Yakut Scientific Center of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, information from scientific literature, and materials collected during the 2017–2023 expedition works in the Amginsky, Olekminsky, Srednekolymsky, Tattinsky, and Khangalassky administrative regions of Yakutia. As a result of the conducted work, it was found that snow is a source of drinking and industrial water, also it serves as a means of insulation of residential and commercial buildings, and cleaning things. Snow has found a wide application in the economic practices of the representatives of the ethnic group: Hunting, fishing, agriculture, livestock and horse breeding, and in making transportation connections. There are also a number of ethnic peculiarities in the use of snow. In particular, the Yakuts did not use snow to construct their houses. At the same time, the nature of settlement by the representatives of the ethnic group and their preference for lakes led to the emergence of a number of unique traditional winter practices based on the use of snow. It should be noted that over time, with socio-economic, cultural, and technological development, snow, as a resource for ensuring the life of the representatives of the Yakut ethnic group, began to lose its position. It is concluded that the current stage, in addition to the preservation of a number of well-known household methods, is characterized by the actualization of the importance of snow in general, cryogenic processes, and phenomena as a resource that forms the tourist potential of Yakutia. Keywords: Cryoanthropology, Indigenous Peoples of the Arctic, Yakuts, Yakutia, cryogenic resources, snow, economic activities, sociocultural practices | 275 | |||||
| 546 | This article presents a study of subjects in participle -(e)m constructions (in the context of their use as sentential arguments) in the Tatyshly dialect of the Udmurt language. The research material was collected during linguistic expeditions of the Department of Theoretical and Applied Linguistics (Lomonosov MSU) in the Tatyshly region of the Republic of Bashkortostan in 2022–2023. One of the main aspects of this research is the syntactic status of unmarked subjects. In E. Georgieva’s research, such subjects in Udmurt and other languages are interpreted as incorporated nominal stems. Based on a number of features exhibited by unmarked subjects in argument participial constructions in Tatyshy Udmurt, I conclude that the incorporation approach does not apply to my data. In particular, unmarked subjects can be modified by adjectives, numerals, and demonstratives. Furthermore, the article emphasizes the correlation between the properties of unmarked subjects and the syntactic position of the sentential argument. I suggest that when the sentential argument occupies the subject or direct object position, its unmarked subject remains caseless and represents a small nominal. In other cases, the unmarked subject of the sentential argument is a complete noun phrase and is in the nominative case. First, when the sentential argument takes the subject or direct object positions, personal pronouns, proper nouns, and animate nouns denoting people cannot be unmarked subjects; however, this is allowed for other sentential arguments. Secondly, with sentential arguments not occupying the subject or direct object positions, the unmarked subject can take on nominal morphology. Thirdly, unmarked subjects in sentential arguments that occupy the subject or direct object positions are restricted in their ability to move away from the participle, unlike unmarked subjects in other sentential actants. Keywords: sentential argument, unmarked subject, Udmurt language, Tatyshly dialect, small nominal | 274 | |||||
| 547 | Folklore texts and ethnographic descriptions are the most important basis for modeling worldview, especially among non-literate and early literate peoples. An interdisciplinary situational approach is proposed as one of the modeling strategies, combining the methods and resources of different disciplines, e.g., linguistics, cultural anthropology, and folklore. The essence of the interdisciplinary situational approach is that folklore and ethnographic texts are analyzed for the presence of ethnolinguistic situations, the components of which are identified and interpreted using the methodological apparatus of different disciplines. Language contributes to the detailed interpretation of the meaning of the situation and helps to define boundaries. It is no coincidence that communication is one of the features of ethnolinguistic situations because language events and language situations are indeed part of them. The “ethno-” component is associated with the description of a particular ethnic group, but does not prevent typological comparisons. Every ethnolinguistic situation presupposes participants and is based on their activity, i.e. on a certain meaningful action. In folklore, the ethnolinguistic situation correlates with a motif, which is understood as a segmental event, a relatively independent, complete, and relatively elementary segment of the narrative. The motif functions as an organizing moment of the plot movement and brings its meaning to the content of the plot and is also a characteristic feature or dominant idea of a literary composition (Kim, 2015: 28). When we combine data from different disciplines to understand the ethnolinguistic situation, we obtain a special interdisciplinary unit that allows us to interpret folklore or ethnographic data as much as possible and model a picture of the world based on them. The study aims to test an interdisciplinary situational approach to the interpretation of a fragment of the worldview of the peoples of Siberia using the example of several conflict situations in the folklore of the Selkups and Khants. A folklore work is rarely complete without conflict situations. The situation is a unit of the folklore text. The ethnocultural analysis of the components of the situation makes it possible to identify details that are important for further typological research into the folklore of the Siberian region. Keywords: conflict, interdisciplinary approach, ethnolinguistic situation, folklore of the Selkups and Khanty, worldview | 269 | |||||
| 548 | The article presents a comprehensive study of the vocabulary of common and generalized food names in the Selkup language, which has not yet been the subject of a linguistic description. The study made it possible to identify and systematize common or generalized food names, clarify the period of their formation, carry out a morphosyntactic analysis of the lexemes, examine their word formation activity, determine the capacity for semantic derivation, determine the internal form of complex and compound lexical units, to identify common and generalized food names and their derivatives, to analyze sentence expressions with the component denoting a common and generalized food name, to carry out a contextual analysis of common and generalized food names on the material of household texts. The author used research methods such as descriptive analysis, comparative historical analysis, component analysis, and quantitative analysis. Selkup language dictionaries served as sources for the Selkup language. The work of leading linguists on the etymology, phonetics, and grammar of the Selkup language enabled us to carry out a comprehensive analysis. As a result of the research carried out, it was found that the common and generalized names of food in the Selkup language go back to the verb stem *ǝm- ‘to eat’ from the common Samoyed period of formation. Twenty-six dialect variants of common and generalized food names were identified in the modern Selkup language. They have different morphosyntactic structures: simple non-derivatives (10), simple derivatives (14), and compound names (2). The lexemes studied have a polysemy based on metonymic transference. Nouns (9) and compound names (13) are also formed from the stem *ǝm- ‘eat,’ which denotes objects and phenomena directly or indirectly related to food. Most nouns are represented by simple derived lexemes (7), but one complex word and one word formed by transformation have been identified. Compound names can be bipartite (11) or tripartite (2), consisting of an adjective or adverb and a noun. Keywords: food names, Selkup language, structural and semantic analysis, vocabulary of traditional foods, indigenous language | 268 | |||||
| 549 | This article is devoted to the analysis of eleven folklore Selkup texts, four of which can actually be called heroic tales. They were recorded in the middle of the XIX century (1845) by the linguist M. A. Castren in the Middle Ob; another text from the XIX century was recorded in the 1870s by N. P. Grigorovsky. In the course of the study, the main plot scheme was revealed, in which the main motifs are courtship or bride kidnapping by a hero, the hunt for the hero by her brothers and former grooms, and fights between the heroes. The other six texts analyzed are from the twentieth century and also show a similar plot development, but their recording is more concise, and the plot is laid out as a “short retelling”. In the course of the study, the difference in motifs between the texts was noted, and several plot variations were identified in which form this plot exists – a ‘male’ version where the main character is a male hero and a ‘female’ version where the plot revolves around a bride who is courted or abducted by a hero (but then the woman is the main character as the narrative focuses on her and begins from her perspective). There is also a significant difference in the use of narrative within the text. Keywords: Selkup folklore, folklore recordings by М. A. Castren, heroic songs, plot, narrative style | 266 | |||||
| 550 | . | 264 | |||||